9/19/09

AGITATED BY AGIT-PROP


Bread and Puppet from headier, more creative days.


Good agit-prop theater is clever, thought-provoking, and confrontational. For many decades, Bread and Puppet Theater was the gold standard by which political street theater was judged. Peter Schumann’s giant papier-mâché assemblages began whipping up opposition to American adventurism back in 1962, before there was a significant peace movement. When Schumann moved his operation from New York City to Glover, Vermont, in 1970, that tiny northeastern village became a progressive epicenter. We recall attending several of B & P’s Domestic Resurrection Circuses in the 1980s and reveling in their tight scripts and well-orchestrated pageants that were unabashed celebrations of countercultural values and devastating critiques of American excess and hubris. By then, no protest anywhere was complete without an imported flotilla of Schumann’s towering puppets leading the good fight.

That was then; this is now. It pains us to say that the 2009 version of Bread and Puppet is a wreck, not Berthold Brecht. Let’s not mince words: the troupe’s September 18 visit to Amherst was one of the most excruciatingly awful performances we have ever witnessed. Seven young performers cavorted about stage with amateurish, aimless, humorless, and witless artifice that would have shamed a junior high school production.

The evening began with an off-key brass band procession onto the stage, where actors clad in Salvation Army cast-offs mugged their way through a 1930s-meets-the-1970s cabaret routine in which histrionic gestures, strike-a-pose smugness, and stop/start instrumentals gave way to cacophony. Sound dreadful? It was the first half highlight.

This was followed by three “plays”—their label, not our judgment—in which crudely executed paper cutouts were manipulated behind a flimsy cardboard frame. B & P brags of producing “cheap art,” but these forays into Popsicle-stick puppetry fell beneath even that low standard. The figures and frame looked like something a group of six-year-olds might have created, but without the charm of childrens’ art. Ditto the scripts. One play was called “Wind” and consisted mostly of a young man unfurling his long hair and whipping it around in a circle while another actor pretended to be battered by a gale. Marcel Marceau spinning in his grave would be more convincing. Another consisted of a single phrase—Do you have it?—repeated by various beings (animals? humans? who would tell?) to no apparent purpose.

You know you’re dealing with weak material when the cast has to sing a refrain cueing the baffled audience that the “play” has ended. Another exit strategy was to have the cast inexplicably collapse to the floor. I suppose some of the endless prancing about the stage could have been goofy fun if the cast was up to snuff, but most of them lacked the physical props necessary to be convincing clowns.

Was the rest of the performance an improvement? We can’t tell you—we bolted after twenty-five minutes of torture. We did not flee alone. One man, who said he’d seen and enjoyed them dozens of times before, cried “Awful! Simply awful!” as he stormed out. We beg to disagree; the show wasn’t nearly good enough to be merely awful. How did incisive agit-prop become agit- malaprop?

If Peter Schumann has any fresh ideas, now would be the time to debut them because from where we sit, Bread and Puppet is trapped in a package that’s several decades past its sell-by date. At a time in history in which America desperately needs a new New Left to agitate and provoke, Bread and Puppet agitated only the audience that came to adore them, and provoked only the fear that the progressive movement has become halt and lame. This is one circus in desperate need of resurrection.

9/16/09

Tummy Tax Time


Why do we pay so little to make ourselves fat?


Here are some sobering statistics. If you are an American over the age of twenty, you’ve got a two in three chance of being either overweight or obese. That’s right, 66% of us are fatsos in fact or in the making. And we’re getting tubbier; 33% of those between six and nineteen are moving more bulk than they should, and the rest of us know what will happen to them when gravity takes over.

I’m not preaching; I need to lose five pounds to get back to the “normal” range for people of my height. But I do want to suggest that it’s time to resurrect the “junk food” tax that was proposed and scrapped. In typical American fashion, that proposal was quashed, not because it was a bad idea but because the fast food industry peddled fear. We were told that the government wanted to double the price of our Big Macs—not a bad idea, come to think of it—and take away our “freedom of choice.” It didn’t take much given to convince tax-averse Americans to get up in (flabby) arms to oppose the bill. (To be fair, fifty-three percent of those polled still support a tax on soft drinks).

Mainly, though, the public will to tax pudgy grub passed because we’re so deeply in denial. Two-thirds of Americans are portly to corpulent, yet the same percentage of Americans tells pollsters that they personally are in neither category. A mere 4% admit to obesity, a belief out of accord with data by nearly 800%.

A recent trip to the grocery store tested my arterial blood-carrying capacity by making me angry as I traversed the cereal and beverage aisles. Major cereal brands by Kellogg, Post, and General Mills were on sale—or so I thought. Actually, only the sweet stuff was on sale; if you wanted to buy just toasted bran flakes, un-sugared Chex, or plain old shredded wheat you had to pony up the full price. So explain to me why it costs more to not add sugar or food coloring that would make an LSD user go into rehab.

I was already stoked by the time I got to the drinks aisle. I don’t drink soda—more because I simply don’t like the taste than for any moral reason. I do, however, enjoy seltzer water—the plain stuff without the god-awful flavored stuff concocted by mad scientists. I pay 79 cents for a store brand two-liter bottle. I was shocked to find that a sale had pushed the price of Coke below that of generic seltzer.

The junk food industry operates like the drug dealers of a crime syndicate. The Center for Disease Control estimates it costs $40 billion per year to treat obesity-related problems, a lot of which comes from taxpayer (stretch pants) pockets. Americans are like junkies who get their first taste for free and then steal to support their habits. Folks, it’s just wrong that junk food is cheaper than wholesome comestibles. We need to tax the hell out of this crap. Barring that, maybe we ought to dismantle the CDC, make eating part of the war on drugs, and let the Drug Enforcement Agency take over.

9/15/09

Welcome to (a)ME(r)I(ca)





As I write this blog entry, local police are searching for the driver of a hit-and-run vehicle that struck down two bicyclists and left one dead along the roadside—a horrifying incident that has many residents wondering what sort of person could flee from such a grisly scene. It would be easy enough to dismiss the perpetrator as a monster and wish for their speedy arrest and lengthy incarceration.

To be sure, the latter is also my wish, but an arrest merely begs the question of how such behavior is possible in the first place. Alas, the answer lies deeper in the national soul. An act of such grotesque immorality is only conceivable in a society that elevates individuals over community with the cavalier disregard of modern America. It’s as if we live in a postmodern nightmare in which all meaning, value judgment, and moral choice is reduced to interpretation and perspective—a nation in which we jettison all the letters of America except the “me” and the “I.”

Let us revisit recent social debates. Universal health care? I’ve heard that deemed “socialist,” as if that was ipso facto a bad thing guaranteed to lead to Stalinist gulags. (Funny how the Brits, Canadians, and Scandinavians have avoided those.) Any appeal for taxes—even if it’s to fund local schools or keep the parks open—is greeted by howling mobs screaming that the “government”—a term of derision second only to “terrorists”—is trying to loot worker paychecks. The common refrain--“Why shouldn’t I get to keep my money?”—greets every mention of the word “tax.” Do the tax rebels ever ask how they would earn that money outside of communities whose very infrastructure (communications, roads, schools, parks, fire departments, police, municipal government, etc.) depend upon taxes? It’s not really a matter of “my” money; capital has social dimensions as well as an economic ones. That truth is conveniently dismissed when CEOs of failed financial institutions pocket their bonuses and try to tell us that without these “top talent” would flee. (Adios! See ‘ya!)

And it’s not just the big issues where we see individualism run amok. It shows up in the jerks who talk during a movie, the person who thinks everyone on the bus is interested in her cell phone call, and the drivers who think that right turn on red after stopping (and if the way is clear) is a mere suggestion directed at those whose time is less valuable than their own. It’s the retail clerk who can’t be bothered to interrupt a personal conversation to wait on you; it’s the repair person who doesn’t return your call, the delivery person who doesn’t show up, the insurance agent who’s too smug to use common English, and the doctor who will tell you to your face that he left you waiting for an hour because he is a busy professional (as if you aren’t). And, yes, it’s the Internet bloggers who try to tell you that the Founding Fathers were budding libertarians who envisioned a nation based entirely on individual freedom. Not exactly. The Founders also wanted a United States, fretted about community, and enumerated those freedoms deemed important in promoting the “general welfare.” They worried about things such as despotism—associated with individual abuses of power—and the tyranny of the majority. The latter is often cited as “proof” of the Founders’ intent to enshrine radical individualism when, in fact, they feared that demagogues might lead a gullible public astray in ways that damaged the collected body politic. (They established safeguards that minimized both possibilities.)

How can a human being leave one of his fellows bloodied along the roadside? It’s not that hard when it’s all about “me” and never about “we.” This small-scale tragedy is a symptom of a deeper social ill.--LV

9/12/09

Does the Right Know its Left from its Right?



Ummm...wasn't it the Right who invented this slogan?

An old member of the Industrial Workers of the World once remarked, “The most revolutionary idea in the world is a long memory.” A confession: I had a really bad short-term memory lapse recently and got sucked into a Facebook debate. How could I have forgotten that people who post to Web forums only want to engage in name-calling, not discuss topics of substance? Luckily my long-term memory is sharper. It goes back to the 1960s and it tells me that the American political Right is suffering from severe historical amnesia.

The issue at had was an announcement that President Obama planned to deliver a television address for American school children. Facebook posted a poll question asking whether the president should be allowed to do this without parental permission. Roughly two of three respondents vehemently opposed to Obama’s plan. Most couched their responses in high-toned principles about protecting parental rights, guarding against propaganda, and allowing children to have politics-free childhoods but you can count me among the cynics who say that’s was just sophistry used to mask ideological biases. The speech came and went and no American children were harmed in its deliverance. What did critics think the president was going to tell kids? That they should use drugs? That they should tell mommy and daddy they’re not eating their vegetables until they support a national health care plan? That kids should look at death notices and register to vote Democratic under those names? Let’s get real. Obama delivered a platitude-laden speech about staying in school, working hard, and how education will help them attain their dreams. One could have predicted nearly every line of this speech if, for no other reason, because it has been given by every president since Teddy Roosevelt.

What was more distressing was the anti-government rhetoric that flew fast and furious on the Internet. To hear libertarians, Republicans, and assorted right-wingers rant you’d think that ayatollahs controlled America. You'd also suspect that the American government was a vast conspiracy designed to oppress Americans, steal their paychecks, and force them onto communist gulags. Anyone has the right to believe these things, but the very act of holding such views is an intellectual contradiction for the Right. It is the first amendment to the U.S. Constitution that provides for freedom of belief, a document that is totally unenforceable unless guaranteed by a strong government. A government-backed Bill of Rights is an essential difference between the United States and, say, Somalia.

The right to redress grievances is also an American right. We need not approve of everything government does—I certainly don’t—but there is a world of difference between disliking government action and disapproving of the very concept of government. Here’s where my long memory comes into play. Back in the Sixties anti-war and civil rights protesters faced signs advising “America: Love it or Leave it.” They were called “radicals” for suggesting reform, but only a small far-Left fringe ever advocated overthrowing the government itself. So why is the Right getting a free ride on its anti-government rant? What it espouses is far more revolutionary than what the bulk of what the Sixties’ Left wanted. Isn’t it time to label the Right’s rhetoric “anarchist,” “anti-American,” and "treasonous?" Let’s break out the Mogadishu real estate ads and suggest that those who hate government move there. I hear housing prices are cheap.--LV

9/9/09

FUTURIST FOLLY?


Lots of folks are buzzing about the decision of Cushing Academy’s headmaster to empty the school’s library of all of its books. Twenty thousand volumes have gone out the door of the Massachusetts prep school’s library to make way for a half million dollar “learning center” where reading will be done on Kindles, giant TV screens, and computers. Fully wired study carrels designed to accommodate laptops sit where the stacks were once located, and the former reference desk is now a coffee shop outfitted with a feature that practically begs for lampoon: a $12,000 cappuccino machine.

Cushing’s decision has met with both applause and derision. Some have hailed Headmaster James Tracy as a cutting-edge visionary who has the courage to ride the winds of change. The death-of-print crowd has, in essence, embraced Bob Dylan’s dictum “You don’t need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows.” Book lovers reacted to Tracy’s decision with scorn, contempt, and sadness. A dear friend wept when she heard the news; like many, she has an emotional attachment to books. Tracy hardly helped matters when he dismissed books as “an outdated technology, like scrolls before books.” (One can only hope his technological savvy is greater than his flair for public relations!)

Here’s another take. Yesterday I taught my first class in a new course I’m teaching on the history of utopian experiments in America. I’ve spent much of the summer reading­—both in electronic and is processed pulp form—futurist visions. That experience confirmed a deep suspicion: that everyone who predicts the future gets it wrong. The most famous American vision was that of Edward Bellamy, whose 1887 novel Looking Backward predicted what the city of Boston—90 minutes from Cushing Academy--would look like in the year 2000. Bellamy was amazingly prescient and anticipated many things that did not exist in his world: radio, credit cards, shopping malls, e-shopping…. Pretty good, yes? But here’s what he got wrong: everything else! Boston was supposed to be a perfect society that had banished crime, divorce, poverty, unemployment, sexism, racism, and inequality. I was in the area last weekend and insofar as I can tell, Bellamy struck out on those prognostications.

Examples such as this make me suspect that Tracy has placed Cushing Academy on a runaway track to nowhere (or Erewhon for those who get the reference). He presumes that he has seen the future and knows where it will lead, quite a gamble given the speed with which technology changes. What if, just five years from now, Kindles, flat-screen TVs, and Web browsers are as obsolete as, say, scrolls before books? Presumably people will still enjoy cappuccino, but that might be all that’s left of Tracy’s brave new world.

Should Tracy have catapulted Cushing’s library into the future? For embracing the inevitability of change Tracy deserves kudos, but his true arrogance was not in being so mean to books, rather in assuming that he knows what tomorrow will bring. If hubris strikes him down, it will be because he violated a very old proverb: Don’t put all your eggs in one basket. I first encountered that phrase in an old book.

9/7/09

If Unions are Outmoded, So are Human Rights



What can you do if your boss is Attila the Hun? For most Americans the answer is "nothing."

In Georgia, state officials unilaterally decided that all teachers would be furloughed for three days and some fulltime school staff would be made part time. In Florida, a roofer was dismissed from his company for having the temerity to take an exam to get licensed to do what he was doing! The salaries of Missouri Nextel workers are pegged to sales, but queries are routinely redirected to a “call gate” that prevents the person who initiated the sale from closing the deal. An Arizona trash hauler with nineteen years of outstanding service was terminated by a new supervisor who suddenly discovered that the employee was a trouble maker.

What all of these cases have in common is that there was no oversight over the actions of the employers; they were free to act as their whims dictated. The other common denominator is that none of the workers was unionized and thus had zero recourse. It gets bleaker. An MSNBC report reveals that employers have been emboldened by the recession: 78% of those surveyed reduced health care benefits for employees, 72% cut them for employee dependents, 43% reduced employer contributions to retirement funds, and 44% have reduced the amount of employee paid leave. A Yahoo lead story—your source for all that is hot and trivial—dispenses advice on “How to Keep Your Job and Your Sanity.” The gist of it is: suck it up and kiss ass.

As Labor Day 2009 approaches I hear anew the cry that unions are a relic of the past. According to this logic, once upon a time unions were a needed counterbalance to the power of industrial tyrants, but the disappearance of blue-collar work and the rise of a post-industrial economy have closed the books on the Dickensian abuses of the past. It would seem not. The robber barons of old have nothing on some of the heartless little Napoleons of today. (Check out the Website “America’s Worst Employers.”) That would explain why a whopping 60% of Americans approve of labor unions. The fact that a scant 12% of employees belong to one suggests that access is the problem, not ideological discord or anachronistic union practices. In all, an additional 60 million more workers would like to be in a union.

Belonging to a labor union isn’t a panacea for all employment woes—witness the cuts just absorbed by unionized American Airlines flight attendants—but the mere act of holding a union card makes one 28% more likely to have an adequate health care plan, and wages are roughly 20% higher than those of workers in comparable non-union jobs. Most of all, belonging to a union gives a voice to those who would otherwise be powerless. Standing up to arbitrary power—what could be more American than that?

9/3/09

SPANISH CELTS


LA MUSGAÑA
20
Mad River 1011

The phrase “Celtic music” is problematic on many levels, not the least of which is that it’s largely a marketing invention rather than an actual genre. (The late, great Tommy Makem once remarked that he had never heard the term before 1964, at which point he had been singing “Irish” songs for over two decades!) But we’re stuck with the term, so let’s at least get more mileage out of it. One of the overlooked Celtic lands—defined as regions settled by tribes speaking one of the many variants of Gaelic—is the region of northwestern Spain known as Galicia. And few bands have played its music as well as La Musgańa, an ensemble now in its twenty-first year of performing.
La Musgańa is Spanish for “water rat” and, strictly speaking, the group swims in a stream that's more pan-Iberian than Galician, but its instrumental mix of fiddles (including a bellows-enhanced model!), accordion, hurdy-gurdy, hand-held drums, recorders, acoustic guitar, bass, and gaita (Galician bagpipes) makes the Celtic designation appropriate. 20 is a fine introduction to La Musgańa, as it culls from the band’s six-album backlist and offers a sampling of Spanish folk music past and present. You’ll hear majestic suites, pastoral folk melodies, jazzy instrumental breakouts, and neo-Renaissance music, all from a region whose influences include peasant herders, North African travelers, the Jewish Diaspora, nomadic Celtic tribes, and the contemporary imagination. Plus you get to hear the gaita—also popular in Portugal. It looks like a set of Highland pipes, but its sound is less shrill, its drone is capable of playing a second octave, and it meshes well with hurdy-gurdy. This—and a preference for 6/8 rhythms—gives Galician dance music a distinctive sound.

Click here for a very nice YouTube video of the band performing live.